Sunday, January 18, 2015

Saiyid Hamid's death is huge blow to Indian Muslims

"But for the media, people like me do not represent Muslims because we are too progressive; we don't have beards nor do we wear the peculiar white caps. The Muslim stereotypes do not fit us. If a Muslim demonstrates backwardness it is news; if he exhibits progressiveness, it is not news." These words written by the late Rafiq Zakaria comes to mind in the wake of the passing away of Saiyid Hamid, former vice-chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and retired IAS officer. Except few cursory comments and platitudinous condolence messages, the national media seems to have largely ignored his death.

Born in 1920, Saiyid Hamid completed BA and then MA in English followed by another MA in Persian at the Aligarh Muslim University. He got selected to the United Provinces provincial civil services and worked in the districts of Uttar Pradesh and in 1949 graduated to the IAS. After being in service for more than 30 years, he then became the vice-chancellor of AMU. This was the start of his second innings and his stint at Aligarh turned out to be full of challenges. After leaving his mark as an able administrator, Saiyid Hamid plunged into ameliorating the educational backwardness of Muslims. He focused on increasing the number of Muslims in civil services and worked tirelessly towards it. With the passage of time, the tumultuous Aligarh days were behind him, and he emerged as a towering personality and a kind of father figure for Muslim social activists.

He kept away from politics but continued to be at the forefront of Muslim issues till his last days. His moderate approach, high integrity and clear thinking added to his forceful personality which was embellished by his love for literature. His association with Jamia Hamdard as the vice chancellor brought immense laurels and respect, but it was the establishment of the Hamdard Study Circle that earned him the gratitude of the community. The study circle conducted coaching classes for Muslim students aspiring to get into the civil services. (It seems this was a passion that Saiyid Hamid had for long. Here is a piece by senior IAS officer Naved Masood that throws more light on his personality.) 

In 2010, Shah Faesal topped the UPSC exams and brought into limelight the works of Saiyid Hamid and Hamdard Study Circle, where he received coaching. The fact that Shah Faesal was from Kashmir made the achievement more noteworthy. Saiyid Hamid told "We are also proud of the fact that this has happened in respect of a candidate from Jammu and Kashmir where condition has not been favourable for serious study and yet the young man has proved that despite of all difficulties in the way one can be successful and eminently successful." It was perhaps such work at the ground level that gave immense satisfaction to Saiyid Hamid.

Another project close to his heart was the magazine 'Nation and the World' which unfortunately did not do well. There would hardly be a major Muslim educationist or activist who must have not benefited from his advice and guidance. His stature was such that he was beyond seeking any publicity or laurels for himself. He was a man of principle who never shied from putting across his views even at the risk of going against popular notions.

At the height of the Babri Masjid episode, Saiyid Hamid sought to engage the community to discuss the statement of L K Advani. In August 1990, Advani had said that if Muslims agreed to a respectful removal of the mosque to a site close by, Hindus may be persuaded to withdraw their claim to other disputed places of worship. He got support from Badruddin Tyabji and Col Bashir Hussain Zaidi but to their "disappointment and surprise" their stance did not get much support. He wrote: "It seems that on all religio-political issues it is extremism along that gets credibility. Moderation and even exploratory attempts at mediation are spurned. No one can afford to essay a rapprochement, not even a leader of of Mr Advani's stature, for fear of losing ground with his followers.The folly of this writer's response to an offer that never was has been doubly established."     

The driving force behind this endeavour was the belief that Hindu-Muslim relationships would stand transformed and would give breathing space for "social and educational reconstruction". But such thorny issues were always beyond the honest approach of people like Saiyid Hamid. Yet it was an earnest desire to work towards the larger good of the community that lay at his heart.

At 94 years of age, Saiyid Hamid lived an extraordinary life. He saw the British rule, witnessed the Partition, immersed himself in the difficult task of Muslim empowerment and as Afzal Usmani writes managed to build a "sound academic record at a moment in India's history when Muslims were afflicted with uncertainty." His work will be remembered by generations to come. 

Tuesday, July 22, 2014

Prof Robinson on 'Separatism Among Indian Muslims..'

Pic: The Express Tribune 
Prof Francis Robinson needs no introduction to scholars and research students engaged in the study of South Asia. In the last few decades he has written several books that take a close look at Islam/Muslims in South Asia. Forty years ago his first book, Separatism Among Indian Muslims: The politics of the United Provinces’ Muslims 1860-1923 was published which continues to be an important entry point for anybody interested in the Muslim politics of British India. Though I have been in touch with Prof Robinson through email, I first met him at the SOAS Muslim South Asia Graduate Research Conference (MUSA) in Oct 2013. I was one of the presenters and Prof Robinson gave the key-note address.

As a lay reader, it was the exhaustive notes in the book that got me glued.  And the biographical notes at the end of the book introduce us to the professional, religious and agrarian links and divisions between the leading Muslim families and individuals. I learnt about a Mohammed Ali of Dharavi (apart from the more famous Mohammed Ali of the Ali brothers), the romance that bloomed between the affable journalist Syud Hossain and Vijayalakshmi Pandit, and the politics involved in the elections of the district boards.

I requested Prof Robinson for an interview and he was kind enough to answer few questions:

1. What made you research the Muslims of North India?
I originally set out to do research on politics and society in medieval Italy. But in the mid-1960s could find no one suitable to supervise my research in Cambridge – one did not think of moving universities in those days as readily as one might do today. So my Director of Studies at the time, Anil Seal, said what about India?  

As it happens I had some acquaintance vicariously with India.  I had been brought up in the village of Willingdon just outside Eastbourne.  In those days it was full of old India hands.  The house I was brought up in was built by one – used to find rupees in the garden. Lady Willingdon used to open the Church fete. The Church organist had been organist of Calcutta Cathedral. My first Headmaster was a former Lt Col of the 8th Gurkha Rifles. An early girl friend was the granddaughter of Sir Norman Smith, the last DiB in India etc… etc…  So Anil’s suggestion was not such an odd one. It meant of course engaging with Indian history from scratch.  In terms of where I might focus my research Anil said ‘you will look at northern India in the nationalist period’. 

I very quickly discovered that Muslims were important people in northern India, and amongst the Muslims the ulama were people to be reckoned with, and in this case in particular the ulama of Farangi Mahall.  So this is how Separatism came to be about political change in northern India with special reference to the Muslims.  The response to Separatism led me to focus on Islam in northern India as much as on the Muslims.  Here I benefited greatly from the ulama of Farangi Mahall who made their records open to me.  Everything I have written since then has been influenced by this research.  I am currently writing the biography of Maulana Jamal Mian, the last many fully-formed in the Farangi Mahall tradition.

2. Any lingering memories of the days when you were researching and meeting people in North India?
My constant memory is of the kindness and helpfulness of all those whom I met in northern India. But this is not a lingering memory, it is one constantly reinforced as daily I am in contact with my Indian and Pakistani friends. One central figure in supporting my research in Lucknow has been Ram Advani, India’s best-known bookseller. Members of the Farangi Mahall family, in particular Abdul Bari’s grandchildren are in contact all the time. I see them now in Pakistan and the UK rather than in India. Indeed, one was in contact today.

3. It's been 40 years since the publication of Separatism. Any issue/strand on which you have had a re-think?
The book is very much of its time. The book is sub-Namierite in its approach and does not give much weight to ideas. I would change following things: (1) some language – I might use the term zeal rather than fanaticism; I would not described ulama as ‘priests’ as I do on occasion. Etc… (2)  I would give greater weight to ideas and ‘belief’.  You can see me moving in this direction in my debate with Paul Brass.  (3) the book would display generally greater cultural sensitivity. It is very much a young man’s book, largely written when I was 24/25. If I wrote the book now it would be infused with a much stronger cultural understanding.

4. Do you think more needs to be done to uncover and explore the role of the landlords, professionals, ulemas who figure in Separatism as the focus primarily has been on Jinnah/Liaqat Ali/Khaliquzzaman?     
There is certainly much more to be done on the second-level people involved in Muslim separatism, or in Muslim politics in general.  We are now getting down to that as PhDs are being produced of studies at the qasbah level.  I think of Riasur Rahman’s thesis on the politics of four UP qasbahs: Amroha, Budaun, Bilgram and Rudauli and my Oxford student Megan Robb’s thesis on the world of the Medina of Bijnor.  Study of local newspapers and of the huge output of the literati of the qasbahs is one of the ways forward.

5.  Your research triggered an interesting debate with Paul Brass. What are your thoughts on it? 
 My debate with Paul Brass was all about the role of ideas in human action.  As I told you, it came at a time when I was exploring the importance of ideas and belief in human action. I no longer accepted my earlier position of treating ideas as instrumental, as Paul continued to wish to do.  So in that debate I was feeling my way to a new position and testing it out on him. I would continue to go with the position I reached in Islam and Muslim Separatism, but wish that I had never touched the term ‘primordial’.  It has led to much misconstruing of my position.  Paul I think put instrumental and primordial at two ends of a pole.  My final position was, and is, that I give greater room in explanation for culture and belief than he does.

Friday, January 31, 2014

Tyabjis - early members of new Indian middle class

CinnamonTeal Publishing
When we think of the Tyabji family, there are only few names that would strike most of us. It would primarily be Badruddin Tyabji and for those more informed perhaps Abbas Tyabji and other members of the extended family like writer Atiya Fyzee, ornithologist Salim Ali and jurist A A A Fyzee. Badruddin and his elder brother Camruddin's career in the legal field shifted the focus from the family's involvement in commerce and trade to professional service and scholarship. Within a period of a century and more after the death of Badruddin’s father and family patriarch Bhoymeaah Tyabji, there were some remarkable men and women who emerged from the Tyabji clan.

Salima Tyabji's book ‘The Changing World of a Bombay Muslim Community’ introduces some of the lesser known Tyabjis. Drawn largely on the family papers, journals and correspondence the book 'initially arose from my (author's) curiosity about how I, brought up as a Muslim, could have the freedom, intellectual and otherwise, that was popularly supposed to be denied to Muslims, women in particular.' I read for the first time about Rahat and Safia, wife and daughter of Badruddin Tyabji. As the Tyabjis married among themselves, no matter how many books or articles you read it is not difficult to get confused.

Salima Tyabji's book provides a glimpse to the unique persona of the Tyabji family. Belonging to the Sulaimani Bohra sect, the Tyabjis in the late nineteenth century had the prestige and popularity largely due to the achievements and standing of Badruddin and Camruddin to provide leadership to the Muslims of Bombay. Unlike the other wealthy and powerful families belonging to the trading and merchant communities, the Tyabjis had a good mix of members who were professionals as well as involved in business. The first Muslim Indian Civil Service (ICS) officer who did exceptionally well in the examination was Mohsin, son of Badruddin Tyabji.  

The most remarkable story that comes out from the book is that of the couple Safia and Jabir. Safia was married to Jabir Ali the eldest brother of Salim Ali. The author has translated the diary entries of Safia from Urdu to English and in doing so has brought to light a very emotional and, uncharacteristically candid saga of intimacy, struggle and love. It is just wonderful to go through those pages that detail how the Cambridge graduate grappled with looking after his family while spending time in jail due to his affiliation with Congress. Jabir was a close friend of Jal Naoroji the grandson of Dadabhai Naoroji and settled in Chembur which was far from the city.

In what ways were the Tyabjis different from a North Indian Muslim family of similar standing? Except few, most of the Tyabjis married among themselves and stayed away from the wealthy, landholding families of North India or of similar character in Deccan and Western India. Rahat Tyabji as the book notes "had strong views about not having her children marrying into Nawabi families, but wanted people of good solid bourgeois stock". This had a bearing on how the different branches of the Tyabjis responded to subsequent events in the country. The Fyzee sisters had fashioned themselves closely with the Urdu-speaking North Indian elites though it is equally interesting to know that the Fyzee sisters had learnt Marathi. Atiya Fyzee who later established a school in Bombay would constantly find faults in the teaching of Urdu in Bombay’s municipal schools.

This led to a cold relationship with Khadija Shuffi Tyabji who perhaps was the most active woman politician among the Tyabjis, which Atiya aspired but never managed to emulate. I wish the book had more information about Khadija Tyabji for she was a long running member of the Bombay Municipal Corporation and the Assembly and was very active on the city’s social and political front. It seems Atiya collaborated closely with Maulana Shaukat Ali though in all fairness I must say that Nazli did collect funds for the Congress as well and was influenced by Gandhi.

Khadija was widowed at an early age and her son had settled in Hyderabad where he managed few mills while she remained in Bombay. Khadija was also associated with the Haj Committee in the 1930s and did much for the education of women. Just like Khadija, Dilshad Begum the daughter of Camruddin Tyabji remains forgotten. Dilshad was married into the Murshidabad royal family. She was active on the restricted and exclusive social scene and her early death in 1925 shocked her friends in Bombay and Bangalore where her daughter shifted with her husband. The Sandhurst-educated Iskander Mirza who went on to become President of Pakistan was her son.   

The Tyabjis are one of the few and earliest families who gave their daughters a sense of independence and access to education. This explains the confidence and the multifaceted lives of the women discussed above. The Tyabjis, Hydaris, Fyzees, Futehallys, Habibs, Latifis are all related and the large number of outstanding men and women that they have given has few parallels. Polymath and brilliant ICS officer Sir Alma Latifi (father of Danial Latifi), scholar and keen sportsman A A A Fyzee (India’s ambassador to Egypt), ornithologists Salim Ali, Humayun Ali, Zafar Futehally, historian Irfan Habib, social activist Kamila Tyabji and other distinguished personalities all belong to the same clan. As the family expanded rapidly and different branches settled in various parts of India and world, a comprehensive biography of the Tyabjis is still to see the light of the day.

There was no uniformity of opinion amongst them neither did they consciously work towards it. But what was common was the drive to excel and make a difference to the society in whichever field they choose. As Moin Shakir and Theodore Wright have rightly observed: “It was perhaps the impact of Bombay and the compulsions of the trade that led Tyabjis to reject the increasingly dysfunctional feudal values of the North Indian and the Deccan nobilities but exemplified the commercial skills and adaptability of the Weberian prototype. In short they were the early members of the new Indian Middle class.”  

I came to know through Prof Nasir Tyabji that his sister Salima, the author of the book, passed away peacefully on December 20, 2013. I wish I had written to her more frequently. Salima was the daughter of Saif and Vazir Tyabji and granddaughter of Faiz and Salima Tyabji. Faiz Tyabji, a judge of the Bombay High Court, was the third son of Badruddin Tyabji.